Here we have covered both the editorials of 20 feb 2018 :
Power games: on AAP’s relationship with the bureaucracy in Delhi
The Delhi government under Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal has had a history of conflict and confrontation (आमना-सामना/विरोध) with the police and the bureaucracy(अधिकारी-वर्ग/नौकरशाही). But even Mr. Kejriwal’s worst detractors (आलोचक/समीक्षक) would have found it hard to imagine that his Aam Aadmi Party MLAs would be accused of assault(हमला/धावा करना) the Chief Secretary in his presence. The shocking incident, which is said to have occurred when Chief Secretary Anshu Prakash was summoned (बुलवाना/बटोरना) to Mr. Kejriwal’s residence at midnight, has led to the arrest of one AAP MLA and a display of solidarity (एकजुटता/एकता) within the bureaucracy, which has refused to attend any meeting called by the CM until he apologises (क्षमा मांगना/खेद प्रकट करना) and takes action against the MLAs. Versions of what transpired radically differ, including the reason why Mr. Prakash was called late in the night. While the AAP has described (वर्णित) Mr. Prakash’s charge as ludicrous (ऊटपटांग/ऊटपटांग), the implication (मंशा/आशय) that it was a product of his fevered imagination and part of a larger political conspiracy (षड्यंत्र/मंत्रणा) has convinced few in the bureaucracy. The timing of the meeting and the presence of a large number of MLAs at the residence give rise to the suspicion that it may have been called to intimidate the Chief Secretary. It is well known that Mr. Kejriwal’s discomfiture (पराजय/असफलता) with the bureaucracy is a result of having to deal with officers who report directly to the Lt. Governor, who is not bound to act on the aid and advice of his council of ministers. To feel that this is a restrictive (प्रतिबंधक/प्रतिबंधी)administrative environment and seek greater powers for Delhi under the Constitution is one thing. But until Delhi is a full State, Mr. Kejriwal and his party would do well to understand that they have to work within the existing institutional arrangement.
Mr. Kejriwal may have good reason to believe that the BJP, the AAP’s main rival (प्रतिद्वंद्वी/विरोधी), is attempting to stymie (गतिरोध/हैरानी में डालना) its attempts to govern Delhi effectively. The AAP has for long complained that the Centre is paralysing (लक़वा मारना/शक्तिहीन करना )its executive functions through the Lt. Governor and that the bureaucracy is refusing to obey government orders. But the proper response to this is to keep pushing for the constitutional changes that will give Delhi full statehood (राज्यपद/नागरिकता )rather than targeting police officers and civil servants. In the three years it has been in power in Delhi, the AAP government has positives to show in terms of governance, including ushering (कायम) in greater accountability and transparency in its welfare programmes. In the long run, the party’s political future will depend more on how it governs Delhi and less on how aggressively (उग्रता के साथ)it protests (आपत्ति) about its lack of administrative power. Both the Centre and the Delhi government must work together to see that the administration is not brought to a halt in the Union Territory. While the Centre should refrain from politically exploiting (शोषण/लाभ उठाना) the issue, the AAP government must take a step back and assure the bureaucracy it will let officials work without fear of intimidation(धमकी/डराना-धमकाना).
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Synonyms: notified, paged, requested, wanted, called up
Fire and fury: on existing violence in Syria’s Eastern Ghouta
Syrian President Bashar al-Assad has demonstrated (साबित) once again that his regime (शासन) cares little about the lives of its own people. The barbaric campaign of airstrikes and bombardments (गोलाबाज़ी) launched by government forces in rebel-held Eastern Ghouta, on the outskirts (सरहद/पड़ोस) of Damascus, have killed at least 270 people in three days. Eastern Ghouta, with an estimated population of 400,000, is one of the last significant areas held by militants fighting the regime. It fell into the hands of the rebels in the early stages of the seven-year-long civil war, and repeated government attempts to overrun it were foiled. It was here that chemical weapons(रसायनिकशस्त्र) were used in 2013, killing hundreds of people. When most other rebel-held parts of Syria, including Aleppo, were recaptured (पीछे हटाना/पुनः कब्जा) by government troops, militants have moved to Eastern Ghouta and Idlib. Now both areas are under attack. In the use of heavy firepower, the assault resembles the government campaign in Aleppo and elsewhere. In Aleppo, one of Syria’s largest cities, Syrian and Russian jets pounded rebel targets in late 2016; this was followed by a ground attack by government troops and Iran-trained militants. Similarly, Eastern Ghouta, which was under a government blockade (नाकाबंदी) for years, appears to have been surrounded by ground forces, which could advance to rebel positions inside the city any time.
There is a wide range of militant groups in Eastern Ghouta, including the Saudi-backed Jaysh al-Islam, the Qatar-funded Faylaq al-Rahman, and Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), the Syrian branch of al-Qaeda. The government says the city is occupied (कब्जा किया हुआ/अधिकृत) by terrorists from these groups and that the few civilians remaining there are used as human shields(आश्रय/रक्षा करना). The militants in Eastern Ghouta and the jihadist elements (तत्वों/आधार) amongst them have repeatedly shelled government-controlled neighbourhoods in Damascus. Generally the rebels appear to have lost the momentum against Mr. Assad in the civil war. Nonetheless, the government narrative (कहानी) is problematic as it holds all residents of Eastern Ghouta responsible for the occupation of the area by militants. The years-long blockade of the area that has deprived (वंचित) Eastern Ghouta of food and medicines, and the indiscriminate (अव्यवस्थित/विवेकहीन) bombing, killing of unarmed civilians including children, expose the monstrosity(दैत्यता/भयंकरता) of the Assad regime. From the very beginning of the civil war, the regime and its Russian and Iranian backers have paid little attention to human suffering, be it in Hama, Homs, Aleppo or Eastern Ghouta. Given the brutality (निर्दयता/निष्ठुरता) it has unleashed now, the government could capture Eastern Ghouta as well. But at what cost? After seven years of war and 400,000 deaths, Syria is a broken, bleeding land , thanks to Mr. Assad and his friends and foes (शत्रु). The real tragedy is that none of the parties involved is interested in ending this war.